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Collusion and fabrication
By: Moatasem Hamadeh
July 20, 2017
 

With a speech whose vocabularies are in collusion with the occupation and its rhetoric, and the re-fabrication of meanings and concepts, the Palestinian Authority is trying to justify its regressive policies.

The Palestinian Authority's predicament leads it to make different reactions, as under pressure from the United States, which paves the way for pushing it toward the negotiating process under conditions that would humiliate the national dignity of the Palestinian people, the Palestinian Authority deliberately conducts various political, security and media behaviors. So , it tries to obscure the American-Israeli conditions, and to darken the pressure of Washington and Tel Aviv, on the one hand.

At the same time, it tries to curb the popular situation reactions, which neutral polls have proved that it has lost confidence in this authority and lost confidence in the official leadership. In this context, the PA security services - under the cover of the Attorney-General, who receives daily instructions from the presidency - exercise a policy of oppression and intimidation, arbitrary arrests, which are for ridiculous or even pathetic pretexts from a "powerless" authority (as described by President Abbas himself) in which it is trying to exercise its muscles and to show its strength in the face of its people, but it is trembling at a coming notice from Beit El.

The other way that the PA is using to obscure its behavior, is to falsify reality, and to impose "new" expressions and concepts that serve the policy of concessions, which is its media role, which has succumbed to American pressure. So , It has begun from "incitement" at the request of the United States, to a reconciliatory rhetoric not with the people and not with its political forces, but with the occupation, and with Washington, previously and now.

If we try to conduct a quick and preliminary study for the vocabulary of the political discourse of the Palestinian Authority, we will conclude that it is a speech of collusion with the occupation, and American policies , but it is against the Palestinian people and its political forces, that its aim is to justify the PA regressive policies and to preserve the class interests of business owners and bureaucratic groups in PA and PLO, at the expense of the supreme national interests of the Palestinian people, and at the expense of its national dignity and the dignity of its cause.

• In his political speech, the PA president is keen to talk about what he calls "partnership with the United States". In this context, he emphasizes his commitment to "the success of the Trump project for settlement", and does not explain to us what the basis for this partnership with Washington is, or what brings a national liberation movement, a people that struggles for its independence, freedom and the return of its refugees, together with the United States in its political project that needs no explanation?

Or did we move from the Palestinian national discourse to the Sadat discourse? The fact of this "partnership" means the political subordination to the United States wherever this policy goes. It also means the keenness of the Palestinian leadership, as an expression of the interests of the higher classes, of the Palestinian bureaucracy, to stay within the American equation and calculations for the region and not to get out of them.

Majid Faraj, head of the PA General Intelligence Service, was very frank when he said that the PA is a part of a Saudi-led coalition. A coalition that Trump has blessed in Washington to create the atmosphere for normalization of relations with Israel and end the "state of conflict with it" at the expense of the Palestinian national cause and rights.

• Because of the on American pressure, the Palestinian official leadership has stopped the policy of internationalization of Palestinian national rights and issue, which was adopted by the Central Council at its last session [5/3/2015], to delegitimize the occupation, isolate Israel internationally, and accumulate further gains, including the transfer of Israeli crimes and war criminals to trial under the authority and laws of the international community.

What is remarkable, for example, is that when UNESCO made its historic decision on the city of Hebron, the Palestinian Authority's Foreign Ministry went out of its way to celebrate what it called "quiet Palestinian diplomacy", which is an attempt to justify the policy of refraining from implementing the decisions of the Central Council and to justify the failure of the PA diplomacy to carry the national cause to the world public opinion and to justify the failure of this diplomacy to confront the Zionist lobbies in the world capitals.

Perhaps the statements made by the Palestinian Authority's Tourism Minister, when she referred the task of defending the city of Hebron to UNESCO and United Nations (after the recent decision) explain the seriousness of this inaction and the seriousness of this collusion. As, instead of defending our land, water, and rights, the Minister of Tourism refers this task to the international community, as if we are still a minor people, that doesn't have the will to face and fight occupation.

The statements made by the Tourism Minister, are an insult to the steadfastness of the people of Hebron, and the talk of "quiet diplomacy" is a silly attempt to manipulate the minds.

• In the context, perhaps the speech by Nabil Shaath, in the name of the Fatah movement, at the Herzilia conference, organized by the Zionist elites, was an example of collusion in the discourse of PA, which in itself constituted an offence to Palestinian national dignity.

Shaath tried to justify to the public opinion, with great shame, the issue of salaries of prisoners and families of martyrs, as if, after 100 years of struggle, we are demanded to hide our shame, because we respect our prisoners' families and honor the families of our martyrs. Shaath said that the PA pays salaries to "criminals" (not to prisoners!) because they support their families. So this is just human action.

Shaath also said that the PA is paying salaries to families whose dependents died or lost in the context of the incidents in our region (they died and not martyred!). Accordingly, we have to rename our prisoners as "criminals" or "Israeli security prisoners", and redefine our martyrs as "dead", and to empty the meaning of "prisoners" and the meaning of "martyrs" from their national sense, only because the Palestinian Authority is ashamed of the prisoners of its people and martyrs of this people.

Perhaps it is the only authority in the world that slides into this deep abyss of schism in the political personality and the separation in its feelings toward its people and its national feelings and aspirations.

We can continue to dig deep into the background of the political discourse that the PA has begun to adopt to justify its regressive policies, which is connected with the US project in the region, and the abandonment of rights of refugees and others. Such as the dangerous expression of "security coordination", which conceals behind it what the head of intelligence service of PA, Majid Faraj, revealed about the PA role in arresting political activists and strugglers, and spying on the Palestinian people and its militants, to thwart any resistant action that may be arranged against the occupation, here or there, which means that some aspects of security coordination in some of their real essence are to protect the occupation from the resistance of the Palestinian people under the pretext of resisting "terrorism".

Also, when they tried to impose the "two-state solution" as an application to the Palestinian national program, which is based on providing, guaranteeing and defending the rights of Palestinian people in all areas of its existence, and they limited the "two-state solution" to a state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip with land swap, and Jerusalem as a capital for two states!

This state also is demilitarized, except for the police and intelligence services (in order to continue security coordination), and to cancel the right of return, and the closure of the file of the conflict with Israel, and to submit to the objectives and policies of Zionist project, that exceed the limits of Palestinian issue, towards the general Arab situation.

But the falsity of "two-state solution" and the other solutions, even the falsity of "Arab Peace Initiative" have been revealed, and that the Palestinian national reality is the reality that was revealed by the Palestinian National Program, the return, self-determination, and the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital program. Which is the real response to the Zionist project and the American project, which is the real response that protects the national rights of Palestinian people, protects the Palestinian land and its Arabism, and protects the rights and interests of Arab peoples in confronting the Zionist project with its multiple dangers.

Therefore, we believe that the battle to uncover the facts and background of vocabulary of Palestinian Authority's collusive discourse, is no less important than the battle to uncover the facts of its political project, which it is still adhered to, as an alternative to the Palestinian national program.

At the same time, we believe that this collusive and shabby discourse, no matter how its cleverness and eloquence in trying to resort to fabrication, will remain a worn-out speech, that its holes and fragile structure are revealed by the daily struggle against the occupation, and the facts of the historic conflict between the Zionist project and the national program of the Palestinian people.

We do not believe that a class of bureaucracy, no matter how it is smart, can succeed, with some political fabrication, to change the course of history that the struggle of Palestinian people and its national forces are doing.

 
Notes:
Moatasem Hamadeh is a member of the Political Bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine.
Translated by: Ibrahim Motlaq
 

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