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The National Program is the Solution
By: Moatasem Hamadeh
March 26, 2017
 

The national program is the solution that guarantees the full national rights and the unity and the rights' unity for the Palestinian people, as the unity of people means the unity of its rights, and safeguarding the unity of the people shall be through safeguarding their rights.

The program is the way towards defeating the occupation and establishing an independent and sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital. It is the way to ensure the refugees' right to return to their homes and properties that they have been displaced from since 1948. It is the struggling way to dismantle the legal and institutional system of the Zionist entity in favor of the establishment of the one democratic state on the entire Palestinian national soil, the state of social justice and democratic freedoms, including the freedom of conscience. Without discrimination in race, religion or sex.

It is what constitutes a historical response to the Balfour Declaration, it is the program that guarantees the true peace for the region and liberates it from the danger of the Zionist project.

It is the solution which provides more elements of power to liberate the region and its peoples from Western dominance, it is what contributes and strengthens the struggle for the socialist horizon of the people of Palestine and the peoples of the region.

It is the program that adopts multiple methods of struggle, in resisting the Zionist project, in the field, and in all political, media, diplomatic, cultural, economic and moral fields, which will drain the Zionist project, by rounds of permanent conflict, until achieving the solution to the Palestinian national issue and the end of the Zionist project.

As the Zionist project was accomplished in stages, so the existing balance of power, on the Palestinian, Arab regional or international sides, assume that the resistance of the Zionist project should be in stages also, each stage constitutes a basis and an introduction to the next stage, which requires a firm adherence to the Palestinian national program elements, and to the full rights of the Palestinian people, and not to trade between one right and another, and not to consider any right as an alternative to another. All rights are fixed, regardless of the balance of power and the nature of each stage of the struggle.

The interim program, which is derived from the Palestinian National Program, focuses on the following objectives:

• In the 48 areas, struggling against the Zionist racist regime, and for the right of the Palestinians, who have the Israeli nationality, to get their citizenship and to safeguard their Palestinian Arab national identity, so that the right of citizenship does not become a means of smearing the Palestinian national identity in Israeli society and to make sure to not turn it to an identity with no history, no culture and no heritage that distinguishes and preserves it in the context of its relentless struggle against the Zionist project and against its aggressive policies which are based on racial discrimination. The importance of Palestinian national struggle within the framework of the national program, and as part of the interim program, is that it unites the Palestinian people and its resistance, as well as it takes place at the heart of the Zionist entity, and it is best to expose it and expose its racist reality to the public opinion.

• In the occupied Palestinian by the June 1967 aggression, struggling to defeat the occupation and settlement, and the establishing the independent and sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital on June 4, 1967 borders, and to ensure the refugees' right of return to their homes and properties. Under this strategic interim title there is a wide range of struggling activities such as: resisting the settlements and normalization, boycotting the Israeli economy, halting the security coordination with occupation authorities, struggling for the release of prisoners and lifting the siege on the Strip. In light of the reality imposed by the Oslo Accords and the establishment of a Palestinian Authority, restricted by security, political and economic stipulations with the occupation, national duties arose in the context of social and national struggle to guarantee the democratic, union and social freedoms in the areas of PA and to defend the interests of popular and middle classes , as well as struggling for liberation from the Oslo Accords and its bets and rebuilding the Palestinian National Coalition on the basis of the national program.

• In refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Jerusalem, and diaspora areas: struggling to hold off the right of return to homes and property in Palestine, and rejecting the alternative solutions, based on resettlement and displacement; In the context of the specificity of the camps, the issues of social and human rights remain on the agenda of the national struggle, and to improve UNRWA services and programs to respond to the needs of the refugees.

The experience of a quarter of a century of negotiations, under the Oslo Accords, under the direct US sponsorship, and outside the framework of the commitment to the national program and relevant international legitimacy resolutions, has failed to reach a solution that guarantees the minimum legitimate national rights for Palestinians. It also proved that the policy of free concessions and the policy of adopting direct bilateral negotiations as the only option, will only bring disasters to the Palestinian people and its national interest, and open the door to alternative projects which aim to rip the Palestinian people apart and tearing apart its unity and rights, through internal conflicts, that have weakened the Palestinian body and the national immunity of segments of its people, who are the bureaucratic base of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied territories.

Therefore, the alternative way to make progress in the interim program, within its national strategic framework, is to return to the alternative national option, the option of resistance and popular uprising, leading to total national disobedience. Which requires the rejection of the new US and Israeli proposals to slip into futile negotiating rounds under humiliating conditions, that aim at spreading strife in the Palestinian national ranks and among the people, transforming the conflict with the occupation into an internal conflict that drains the forces and the ability to resist the occupation and settlement projects. Also , that requires abiding to the decisions of the Central Council in its last session, including the cessation of security coordination, the boycott of the Israeli economy, the resumption of the comprehensive popular resistance, the withdrawal of the recognition of the State of Israel, the referral of Israeli war crimes to the International Criminal Court, the demand of the international community to provide protection for the people and land of Palestine and the admission of Palestine as a full member in the United Nations.

In the same context, the structures and programs of the Palestinian Authority must be redrafted to provide protection for the Palestinian people and its uprising, the elements of steadfastness of life and the organization of their ranks within the framework of national unity.

It is also supposed to develop the working mechanisms of the Executive Committee in the PLO, to become an effective leadership of the Palestinian people in its uprising, and its steadfastness.

Without falling out of the account a very important issue, it is to provide coordination mechanisms, with the regions of the 1948, in a struggling unity that takes into account the privacy that characterizes each region and its program and mechanisms of application.

The return to the interim program under the National Strategic Program is a qualitative leap forward. It is the return from the Oslo coup against the national program.

 
Notes:
Moatasem Hamadeh is a member of the Political bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by Rawan Albash
Revised by Ibrahim Motlaq
 

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