DFLP Site
The Web
 
 
 

Articles & Analyses

 
The Speech of Delusion
By: Mohammad Al-Sahli
October 16, 2018
 

Netanyahu presented a "war show" before the United Nations General Assembly, in which Israel was placed on the forefront of being targeted by its "enemies" in the north, south and east, and in his pouch he carried pictures and maps to prove allegations about Iran, which were quickly refuted by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Regarding the Palestinian issue, Netanyahu outlined his speech by one direction , in which he stressed that the future of the occupied Palestinian territories in 1967, is restricted by Israel's security and expansionist interests, and there is no place for an independent Palestinian state from the “river to sea”.

During the last two sessions of the General Assembly, it was clear that Netanyahu has been more reassured, after the Trump administration has escalated the steps of the "deal of the century" against us, by which it resolved the position from essential issues in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, in favor of the vision of the occupation. It was also clear that the Israeli prime minister was speaking by considering that Tel Aviv is the first which is concerned with the formation of the map of the region, linking to the intersection of interests with Washington.

It is noteworthy, that Netanyahu remained calm after Trump announced his support for the "two-state solution", because he (and we before him) knows that the practical steps that implemented by the Trump administration, are the real expression of US policy towards the settlement. And what is important for the Netanyahu government is the consensus with Washington on the nature of the “future” Palestinian entity and its function not just its name. The US ambassador to Israel, David Friedman, was clear when he commented on the recent Trump declaration that the first thing for him was Israeli security control over the West Bank.

Israel's security control over the West Bank (inside it, on its borders and airspace) means the absolute sovereignty of the occupation, and this for Washington and Tel Aviv is not negotiable. Thus, the magnitude of the Palestinian presence in the West Bank is subject to the final map of settlement, after the implementation of all settlement projects and the achievement of their objectives to cram the Palestinians in disconnected ghettos.

Since the declaration of the Trump administration positions, the Netanyahu government has moved, regarding settlement, from the stage of racing against time to implement its projects in anticipation of pressure, to the stage of immediate Israeli implementation of the Trump decisions, and the development of a "legal" and legislative system that guarantees the future of settlement and legalize the rights of settlers in Palestinian lands on the rhythm of the "national law".

For these reasons, the issue of the political settlement with the Palestinian side is no longer a concern for Netanyahu and his government. As the Netanyahu government has tried since the declaration of the positions of Trump against Palestinian rights, to give an impression inside Israel and in the surrounding, that its essence, is the position of Israel is completely different, and its government is no longer just a negotiating party, as it was before. It is today a cornerstone in shaping the goals and results of these negotiations as a partner for the United States in shaping the future of the region.

The functions of this speech, firstly, is to pressure on the Arab officials to accelerate their normalization with Israel, and to send a message to them that there is no horizon for their stability and the preservation of their positions without joining American and Israeli policies.

Secondly, is to repeat to the official Palestinian leadership, that the return to the "stick and carrot" duality is impossible, because the American plan presumes implementation rather than debate and persuasion. And that the concept of an independent Palestinian state does not exist in the components of the "new settlement".

Thirdly, is a message to the Israeli voter as the elections for the Knesset are approaching, that the Likud-led governmental coalition and its leader, Netanyahu, which brought American-Israeli relations to this level of the coalition, after Netanyahu managed to overcome the pressure of the Obama administration regarding settlement and others. It is also a direct call to renew the mandate of the coalition, headed by Netanyahu.

But the threat in the tone of Netanyahu's speech and its content is escalating toward issues and files that Tel Aviv considers important and urgent for many reasons . As in the light of the halt of pacification talks, the upset Gaza Strip, constitutes a security concern for Israel, that over the past few months, has tried to make its proposals to "solve the humanitarian crisis" in the Gaza Strip, as the approved map for this solution, with the torrent of temptations and promises, has "scattered" before the residents of the Strip. With the stop of the mentioned talks, Tel Aviv has resorted to military escalation in an attempt to influence the momentum of mass participation in the "return marches". Therefore, it was noted that the occupation forces intended to inflict the largest number of casualties among the participants.

What also concerns the Netanyahu government, is that the size of Palestinian clash with its expansionist and racist policies, is growing increasingly, in the occupied territories in 1967 and those occupied in 1948. Thus, this government stands before facts that it has deliberately ignored, which is the reassurance that the path of the settlement will only move in accordance with its interests because of American support, which does not negate the fact that the general Palestinian political and popular confrontation will create new equations on the ground, after it has escalated in its racist occupying policies.

What the Netanyahu government is trying to escape from, in case that a development happens in the process of settlement, according to various rules, the most important of which is the adoption of the resolutions of the relevant international legitimacy, will be found in close proximity to it, with the escalation of popular resistance against the occupation in all its forms, in the forefront, settlements , the demolition of houses and Judaization.

The above mentioned, puts us again in front of the need to correct the field and political equation in the conflict with the occupation. This means fighting an open battle with it. It is obvious that this starts with the implementation of the decisions, taken by the Central and National Councils. The first of which , is terminating the policies that have led us to Oslo and the remnants of these Accords and their security, political and economic constraints, and to deal with the deteriorating Palestinian situation, starting with ending the division and restoring unity.

In this context, it is only normal that we welcome the efforts to make the reconciliation successful, while stressing that the right path towards restoring unity, necessarily passes through the implementation of the decisions of the comprehensive national dialogues in this regard, and that the return to the bilateral apportionment, will create more obstacles in the way of ending the division and restoring unity, while we need to unite our efforts in the face of the great threats to the national rights of the Palestinian people.

Previous experiences have confirmed that the commitment to the national consensus decisions has yielded many major achievements, including the success of the Palestinian effort at the United Nations (autumn 2012) and the resolution of recognizing Palestine as a state under occupation by the borders of 4th June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital.

Without this way, the door of the projects of liquidating the case and the rights will remain widely open.

 
Notes:
Mohammad Al-Sahli is Editor in Chief of Al-Hourriah newspaper, the official speaker of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by: Rawda Abo Zarqa
Revised by: Ibrahim Motlaq
 

Share |
dflp-palestine[at]dflp-palestine.net
copyright © 2004 - dflp-palestine.net